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Mrl:i?rn p('()j)le I'll u:< tlioyai ^' iiu uh 

■ Tm' til* oriyir! of -l.i v{-r^-. t' -n: v, ■> • 

ilulio.: 
^el rid oT ii , m .in\ 
ik'j'stiuifl and appr; 



* or PtMiglas rc- 

M ' . .V- iUMU*' tor the white 

■ M '.'i ;: ■'^■iiTors. Why. in point 

'I Hi- r ' I bH>. But m liiis roiiuirk 

(»{■ I h" .» iIht^; i' >i <iLriii;i('an<'f', wliirh i think 
i.-^ til.' key {n LT'-'ut inis{;tk*; m!" there is any 
Ntirh inisi;jLk»'i svhii^h h;t- in^de in thi.-i Ni;- 
! br;i.-k;i sim-. 1 1 .-I'.nv. ^ tluil the ^nd•^<: ha< 
n». t/ry vivi'l inii)ir>,^ inn th,?! tiic ne^no i> («. bn- 
inuii : arul ('<>'j>»'tiMei!ily h;t^ nn ihut ihrro 
•■;ni any murii! i.tii in k',L:,i.-lat 111^4 
hiin. In liis vi»'w. th( qnosl!(»;i of ^^h'•lhl!r a 
ii<*\^ f'oinilry -hall Ix* .-luxe 'tr {'rre, i,, a matter of 
a> iiitei j:i^ii!]errne'c, i\< il i ^ whether his lu iLrhbnr 
nhiil! [uanl his lurni wiih toluo'co, or Hleu k it 
I with liorued catth'. Nie.v, whether this viovv is 
I ri.irht. or \vron,L'\ ii U vei'\ eertaiu that the ereut 
nuju^.s ct" nin nkind lako •:. lotuily ili{}';rt*nt vie,w.— 
They consith.-r .-hi' -^ly a ^rent nmrai wrniiLr ; and 
llieir ^ee!in;,^^ ;i^ain.st it. is not ovanoiernl, but 
j eternak it lies at tlio vt-ry tuufKiation (tf ttlieir 
i sense of jn.slic ' ; and il cannot be trilled with. - 
lit is a e-i't>iLi and durui.jle elcniu'nt uf [)0i>nlar 
jaeiinn, aiai, 1 think, no slalesiaaa can cutely diif- 
i rcij'ard it. 



'1 hc'ix aro wl^l 



' iio iiiiVrior 
ay. Judge, 

• :.. J .■ ;.' . ... . . uiineiise ap- 

plause, i 

A Voice — Three cheers for Lincoln."- — 
[The eheei'S were ^riveE with a heurtv good 
will.] 

Mr Li neoln — T slu.uld say at least that is a 
seh-evidcnt truth. 

X'»\v, it i!a]M'e]:s lint tsemeet to2:ether once 
eveiy y-'ar, nbuut the llh vi July, 

for .'(.lue vv:i^-i,]\ or other. Thoe -Jth ol" July 
aatlieri' I'j^. i -iiirpo^e, have their u,-es. If 
you v.:l{ urlulye nr^ 1 will state what i sup- 
I'f'-'o to he :'(,nie of Ihenu 



*t — -Mirty luilli. 

j own ,H..i iiihnbit about ; 
I whole earth. We v\m i i 



.Ulviy 
! we 

^ !»ver 
' 'iit i ty-t\vo 
that we \verc then a ve- 
pcjint of liiiniber.-^, va.-tly 
;n'oii(>w, with a vastly les.-^ 
■wit!i Vi^M^y ^ / f oveiT 

\vo 

ivau- 

H<1 WO iix 

.• I)ack, as : 



• Ion 



^'^^^^^ ^ ti.y _ ..a- tlu" pi'ineipK' : , 
wej-e coiitciidiiii^ l\;r ; aiei wo on^ Ut^oumI that 
V w-hat tlioy thn\ i\\<] it lias iullwwea that 
' : • / that v;e now eiijo3' 
" ''1 this annual cole- 

■ ) • ■ • .r.od 

' ''^'l Ave go iVoiu these 

^ with ourselves ; we 

•ia'd the one to the other, and 
■iMel t'i tlie conntry we inhabit. | 
■ '• ■■' . • • • * men in the age, 

;'n'i uhieh we live for 

<■( '-brati'ins. j.iii after we have done 
tliis we iiave not yet reaehed the wliole. 

' ' ^ i ^^ ith it. — 

•oded In- 

wliu are ]iut ''. 
: they are men v. 

oiatu Irish, ivi-eneii and 
thac iiavo eonie from 
•• • ;•. e.- "V whose aoeesturs have 
' iiU'l settlett ]u>re, linding them- 
ar c<;^ualis in all things, if they look 



back through this history to tnice their con- 
iii^ctioiJ^ T/ith those days by blood, they find 
the^^ have none, they cannot carry tlienisolves 
back into that gloriou-j epoch and iiiukc tliem- 
sclves feel that they are part of iis, but 
^vhen thoy look through that ohJ Declaration 
of Independence tlicy find tliat those old men 
¥ny tliat 'MVe hold lhe>se truths to bo self- 
evident tliat all men are created eq\ial," and 
I then they feel that moral sentiment taught "in 
that day eviih'uces tlieir relation to those men, 
that it is the father of all moral principle 
in tliem, and that they have a right to claim 
it as though they were blood of blood, 
and llesh of the flesh of the man who wrote 
that Declaration — [loud and long ap[)lauye] 
and so tiiey are. That is the electric cord 
in that Declarati(>n lird^s the hearts of patri- 
otic and liberty-loving men together, that will 
link those patriotic Iiearts as long, as the 
love of freedom exists in the minds of men 
throughout the world. [Applaune.] 

Now, sirs, for the purpose of squaring 
things with this idea of ' don't care if slave- 
ry is voted up or voted down," for sustaining 
the Dred Scott decision, [A voice — **nit him 
again,"] for iiolding that the Declaration of 
Independence did not mean anything at all ; 
we have Judge Douglas giving his exposition 
j of what the Declnration of Independence 
means, and we have liim saying it means sim- 
}dy that the })Co})lo of America were equal to 
the people of J^Ingland. According to his con- 
struction, you Germans are not connected 
with it. y<fw I ask y(tu in all soberness, if 
all these things, if indulged in, if ratified, if 
confirmed and indorsed, if taught to our chil- 
dren and repeated, to tliem, do not tend to rub 
out the sonliment of lil^erty in the counti^% 
j and to transform this government into a gov 
j crnment of some other form ? What arc tliese 



■ ' ' ' ' ^ ■ uuidc, that the iiif'orior 
mI with ;!s much rdlow- 
= liable of eTiJo3'iDir: that as 
ni' for thcin as ilivAv cuiiditi- 
Thov are the aiyinnpiits that 
i liindo lor (nishiTiii^ t lie people in 

■ wui-M. Ynii will fuid tfiat all 
5-10 .11 ^..u.^ieiit-: in favor of kingcraft were of 
I'n.s cla-s : tlun- always "^'e^^trode the necks of 
r-enple, nor that i' 1 to do it, hut 

>>i'vtin>o the people V. ■ olf Iw being 

'H'Ht i>l!ie..-,. .'.4 and this ar- 
: . • is the same old serpent 

^'><'rk and 1 eal, yc-u toil and I 
5:10 Iruits of it. 
•iU lever way yon will- -wlielh-T it 
e-Kie iV.;ni the mouth of a king, a-^ ex'Mi.-e tnr 
en:4aving the peo|>le of his country c-r from 
;!ien\f)uth *)f men one race as ft ]*eas<-n ibr 
"n>laving the uum of another race, it is all 
1 !.e sMirie old snqM^nt, and I Isold if ihatcnurse 
of ni'gimnmtation ^Thieh is made for the pnr- 
p'-f of c^>nvincing the p!d)Iic mind that we 
.-honldnot care al^out this should he granted, 
it does nut stop with the negro. Y should 
ke to know if taking this old Declaration of 
^dependence, which dechu-es that all men 
are e*|nal upon principle nnd no making ex- 
<'fpt;(>n to it, where will it stop? ]f fjiie man 
says it does not mean a negro, why m;iy not 
another say it does not mean some other man ? 
If fh.it declaration is not truth let us get the 
-:aiu!e h --^k in which we find it and tear it out! 
Who i> » hold as to do it ? If it is not true 
let us bear it out ! [Cries of no, no,'"] , 
Let us stick to it then. [Cheers.] Let tis i 
stand frmly by it then. [ Vpplause.] i 



v.! :, ', n!i'l to the (•xt''nt tluit !i i.eccs^jly l 
;!■ ) 1 iiooi) a ]iinn lie must submit to it. — 
1 liiitik tliat v.'.is thc^ eotMlition in wliich wo 
Touiid our-elve- ^^h('n we estaMi- hf'<l the gov- 
ei'iniMit. We levl sin ves auV'U'j us, we could 
not jct our c'oi; ^{Itiit ion unlc \-, o permitted 
'•(•^ '-I'M in -l;>\''ry, we <• nild not so- 
I Wi^ did seeuri.' if we graspeil \ 
. ;md ]in\in;r b\ i^c r^^ity suhiuitted \ 
to ll.ut much, it <]()(>- not de--tro\ the prinei- I 
]»](' that is the eharter (>l' (tur libercies. Let! 
tli.-.t charter stand as our .standard. : 

My iricnd ]i;is said to me that I hm a poor 
hand to (|Uote ;*^eviptme. 1 will try it fi^riin, 
however. It is ^aid in one of the admonitions 
of the r<ord, '-A- youi* Fatlier in Heaven 
is perfect, bo ye alsi perfect'' The Saviour, 
J supp<»se, <lid not expect that any human : 
creature couM bo perfect as tlie Father in 
Heaven: but He said, *' your Fatlier in 
Heaven is perfect, be you pei fect."' He set 
that up as a standard, and he wbf> did most 
towaid-> reaching; that standard, nftrsiued the 
liiirhest degree of mosal perfection. 8o 1 
s/iy in relation to the jn-inciple timt all ni(»n 
are created equal. Let )t l)e as nearly reach- 
ed as we can. If \vc cannot give freedom to 
every creature, lotus do nothing that will im- 
pose slavei-y upon any other creature. [Ap- 
plause.] Let us thou turn this government 
back into the channel in which the framers 
of the Oonstitutiou originally phiced it. Let 
us stan<l firmly by each other. If we do not 
do so we are turning in the contrary direction, 
which our frien<l Judge Douglas proposes * 
— not intentionally — as worknig in the traces 
tending to make this a universal slave nation. 
[A voice — *'that is so."] He is one that 
runs in that direction, and as such I resist 
him. 



,rnl rii. 



''t lici- i r, ji II'! ? iicro 

li'M I ' , , . . . !t!f"rif>j- posi-. 

t'i .'.M < s , . ' . 



>!y fricKth, I Cf.-.ili] not without launching 
■ ' lao iiew topic, ivliich wovild detain 
J c<jntinvic to-rii<xht. [Cries of ^'go 

oil, " ) 1 thank you for this most extensive 
Hutlicnce -".vhich yuu have furnished mc to- 
ni,i::ht. 1 h^.are vuii, hoping that the lamp of 
liberty will burn in your bosoms until there 
shall no longer be a doubt that all men are 
created free and equal. 

Mr. Lincoln retired amid a perfect torrent 
of applauise and cheers. 



.lU! race jp '.>!; lull I belcrp, n f. 
-r j.'.-sitio:}. I I'.uvft r.'^Vv . r ; :i; 
!"' c-jhtrury, but L I";; • t.../. - 
. Vns, ViLVi) : ' 'i I^- 

..lyjho nor.(r() tat e-':t:- \\ •> 
. -j.-i v\p\\hi euuaac rated in the DjcLtrut:c:, f. 
i :'''"aco, th} ."igiit iib:r!:r aiii ti;-^ 

M. ! . (.1' bapffii ^Lcud cheers. J i 1 old 
i' Lt i V is a<i riiuc'.i crnihid to tbe:":o Wu'te 
uiVD. I cI„';:Tl' wivii JiK\i; j Doiy'.uj !\e is net my 
i-i r.vojv rr'f L-^'c:53 ■ c:-ri :'.:ply not in col^r, 

e<li(i(l a/t'l ih^ fq>ujf of Ja Jij." D'x <n,(l 
tk^eQual of ei'<.ry Uciit'yinLin, [ Uixut . t \ 



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. ' iy ssWii white I 


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. 'o 1') Hlk Ibat 1 


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- n i <1(^ no* V' \ ^ UL\'^- 


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' .(o-ild ])'^ dei\i(Ml 


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^ v > ' r> \Mna-\a for fi 




1 '.:\ naiii ber for a wife. 




'( . .j M\ ii'-.dcf standing 


! t...;i ! call jii-r 1 


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LINCOM; HIS BOOK 



^JV^ EXPLANATOMT NOTE. 



ABRAHAM 
LINCOLN 

HIS BOOK 



A FACSIMILE KEPKODUC- 
TION OF THE ORIGINAL 

WITH AN 

EXPLANATORY NOTE 

BY 

J. McCAN DAVIS 



NKW YORK: 
DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY 

1909 



Copyriglif, 1901, by 

McCllim:, PiiiLLirs & co. 

Flrsf, Iinprossion, F«»l)ni:iry, IftOl 
Sei'oud Iiuprossi<)n« nian-li, 1901 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN— HIS BOOK. 



This book— the only one now or ever extant 
of its illustrious authorship— owes its exist- 
ence to Ihe political campaign of 1858, when 
the opposing candidates for United States 
Senator from Illinois were Abraham Lincoln 
and Stephen A. Douglas. The issue was 
slavery- whether, as Mr. Lincoln contended, 
it should be restricted to the states in which 
it already existed, or, as Judge Douglas advo- 
cated, it should be permitted to invade the 
new territories if agreeable to the people 
thereof. 

Mr. Lincoln, at that time, did not advocate 
emancipation. He made no demand for the 
liberation of the slaves then in bondage. lie 
made no plea for negro citizenship. While he 
regarded slavery, as he had declared as early 
as 1837, as " founded on both injustice and 



-2 — 

bad policy," and of course hoped for ih 
"ultimate extinction,'* he recognized its con- 
stitutional status in the states in which it 
then had an existence, and, without any pur- 
pose to disturb it there, raised hi« voice only 
against its further extension. 

His position, however, was constantly mis- 
stated by his opponents. Judge Douglas made 
the charge of "abolitionism," and the accu- 
sation was reiterated throughout the stat«, 
from the beginning to the end of the cam- 
paign, by Democratic orators and newspapers. 
It was charged that Lincoln stood for the 
equality of the races, politically and socially ; 
and it was pointed out, with alarm and in- 
dignation, that should his doctrines prevail, 
there would be inevitable social and political 
chaos. Whites and blacks would intermarry 
promiscuously; the impassable line which 
had so long separated the two races would be 
wholly obliterated; the hated black man 
would be invested with political privileges 
which hitherto had been counted the whit€ 
man's exclusive and sacred rights. 



-3- 

There were few sections of Illinois whert 
jprejudice against the negro was stronger than 
fn Sangamon county, the home of Mr. Lincoln. 
The city of Springfield and the adjacent 
country was inhabited largely by natives of 
Kentucky. Before coming to Illinois they 
had been accustomed to slavery, and, while 
many agreed with Mr. Lincoln that the insti- 
tution was fundamentally wrong and ought to 
be restricted, tlie remotest suggestion of mak- 
ing a negro their social and political equal 
was abhorrent. It was this prejudice that kept 
so many of the Whigs, even after their party 
was manifestly doomed to extinction, from 
joining the new Republican party. It was 
this influence that gave Fillmore his strength 
in Illinois in 1856, and, by dividing the anti- 
Democratic forces, gave the state's electoral 
vote to Buchanan. 

, The widespread fear of "negro equality" 
was at once recognized by Mr. Lincoln as the 
most portentous obstacle to the success of 
the new party. It made the Old Line Whigs 
—his life-long political associates— hesitant 



-4- 

wavering, and distrustful. Some of them had 
already gone over to the Democracy. 

In 1857 there was no longer any doubt that 
the Whig party could never survive another 
election. It was, in truth, already dead. 
Many of the Old Whigs of Sangamon county 
were still at sea, not knowing whither to 
turn for safe and congenial affiliations. There 
were really but two courses open — they must 
join the new Republican party, with its ad- 
vanced and distrusted doctrines on slavery, or 
they must join the pro-slavery Democracy, 
which they had been fighting from time im- 
memorial. 

It was this dilemma which brought to- 
gether, one day in that year, a few Sangamon 
county men who long had been prominent in 
the Whig party councils. The assemblage, in 
a retrospective view, was notable and historic, 
though at the time it was but a quiet confer- 
ence of friends, for whose proceedings we are 
indebted wholly to a trustworthy tradition. 
There were present, among others. Judge 
Stephen T. Logan and Major John T. Stuart, 



— 5 — 

both of whom had been Lincoln's law part- 
ners; Colonel John Williams, Major Elijah 
lies, and Captain James N. Brown. There was 
a full and frank discussion of the difficult 
problem. Every one present expressed his 
views and intentions. Some had joined the 
Republicans in the previous year; others 
were now ready to do so, while several, like 
Major Stuart, although not yet prepared to go 
with the Democracy, declared that they never 
could be Republicans. 

Captain Brown, when called upon to state 
his position, said: " My friends, I have been a 
Whig all my life. I cannot be a Democrat. 
From this time on, I am a Lincoln Re- 
publican." 

Mr. Lincoln, up to this point, had not been 
present; but he stepped into the room just in 
time to hear Captain Brown's declaration. 

This conference was followed by another 
early in 1858. It was a Republican meeting 
this time, and of great local importance. 
Captain Brown was there, and so was Lincoln. 
The matter under consideration was the per- 



_6- 

sonnel of the local ticket for the campaign 
then about to open. The master spirit of the 
occasion was Mr. Lincoln. He talked at length 
and emphasized the importance of . a policy 
which would set at rest the minds of the Old 
Whigs who still remained practically without 
a party— showing them that the new party 
was not the exponent of "abolitionism," as 
had been alleged against it, but that it stood 
only for the conseryative doctrine of the re- 
striction of slavery to existing limitations. 
Captain Brown, like Lincoln, was a native of 
Kentucky, coming of a distinguished family 
of that state (his father. Colonel William 
Brown, a veteran of the war of 1812, having 
served in Congress with Henry Clay, defeat- 
ing Colonel Richard M. Johnson, who was sub- 
sequently United States Senator and Vice- 
President). He had been a life-long Whig, 
and, like many of his party associates, had 
kept out of the Republican party in 1856, 
voting for Fillmore. He had long been a per- 
sonal friend of Lincoln, and was, moreover, a 
man of blameless reputation. 



_7- 

Mr. Lincoln, at this meeting, urg^ed the 
nomination of Captain Brown as one of the 
party's candidates for the legislature. Brown 
did not want the nomination, and said so; he 
had served four terms in the House (including 
one term with Lincoln, back in 1840 and '41), 
and was now averse to longer public service. 
But Lincoln was insistent, and made an argu- 
ment which disclosed in him the astute poli- 
tician that all recognized him to be. 

"You must run," he said to Brown. "We 
cannot, must not, nominate an Eastern man ; 
he would be beaten. We must have the votes 
of the Old Line Whigs. You have been a 
Whig; you are a Kentuckian; you have been 
a slave-holder. You will get the support of 
the large conservative element — the Old Line 
Whigs and the men of Southern birth and 
sympathies who, while willing to let slavery 
remain where it is, are with us against 
its further extension, but who would be 
afraid to trust an Eastern man," and he 
called off the names of a half-hundred Old 
Line Whigs of local prominence who would 



vote for such a man as Brown, but would op» 
pose a candidate of Eastern birth or of doubt- 
ful antecedents. 

Captain Brown, persuaded to an accept- 
ance by Lincoln's unanswerable logic, was 
later nominated for the lower branch of 
the General Assembly, his associate on the 
ticket being John Cook, son of a Kentuckian, 
and afterwards a Union General in the Civil 
War. 

Popular feeling was intensified as the cam- 
paign progressed. The old prejudice against 
the negro, inbred in the men of Southern 
nativity — the heritage of many generations 
of perverted opinion — was found deep-rooted 
and bitter. Entering upon his canvass. Captain 
Brown was confronted everywhere with the 
charge that Lincoln stood for " negro equal- 
ity," social and political. 

" Why, Brown!" his old friends would say, 
in astonishment, " How can you, a Ken- 
tuckian, yourself once a slaveholder, stand 
for a Rlack Abolitionist— a man who says the 
negro is your equal and mine f 



-9- 

Porsonally, of eoiirse, Captain Brown un- 
derstood Lincoln's position perfectly; but 
there were many whom he found it impos- 
sible to convince that Lincoln held no such 
views as were ascribed to him. 

He felt the necessity for something authori- 
tative—a statement from Mr. Lincoln himself, 
setting forth his views in lucid and unmis- 
takable language. Late in the campaign he 
asked Mr. Lincoln for such a statement. Mr. 
Lincoln went over his published speeches for 
several previous years, including those in his 
debate with Douglas just then concluded, and 
clipped out whatever he had said on the sub- 
ject of "negro equality." These extracts he 
pasted into a small pocket memorandum book, 
making explanatory notes wherever needed. 
He supplemented this printed matter with a 
letter addressed to Captain Brown, filling 
eight pages of the little book. This letter, 
containiw)g the essence of all he had previously 
said, was the most recent and authoritative 
statement of his views which he could pos- 
sibly have made, and it was precisely the 



- 10 — 

thin^ which his friend and supporter had felt 
the need of throug:hout his canvass. 

The close of the campaign was near, only 
about two weeks of it remaining, but the 
time was fully utilized by Captain Brown. 
He carried the book in his pocket, and when- 
ever Lincoln's "negro equality" views were 
questioned — and this must have been manj 
times every day, in the course of his public 
speeches and private conversations— he would 
produce the book and read from it " Lincoln's 
own words," placed there by Lincoln himself 
only a few days before. 

But no argument was strong enough to over- 
come the prejudice then so widespread and 
unreasoning, and both legislative candidates 
(one of Southern birth, and the other of 
Southern ancestry) failed of election. 

The book, of course, had been intended bj 
Mr. Lincoln only to meet a temporary require- 
ment, and very likely he had no idea that it 
would survive the campaign of 1858; but 
Captain Brown carefully preserved it and must 
have carried it with him in 1860 and in sub- 



sequent campaigns, for he filled out the re- 
maining leaves with many later newspaper 
scraps of his own selection. 

Captain Brown died in 1868. The Lincoln 
Scrap Book passed to his sons William and 
Benjamin, of Grore Park, 111., to whom we 
are indebted for the facts pertaining to its 
history. In 1900 tlie book was sold by the 
Messrs. Brown, to Mr. William H. Lambert 
of Philadelphia, who possesses the most 
complete and intelligently arranged Lincoln 
collection in existence. 

It is the unique renown of this book that it 
is the only one eyer written or compiled by 
Abraham Lincoln. It is reproduced here, as 
nearly as possible, precisely as it came from 
his pen and his hand. 

J. McCAN DAVIS. 



"PARAMOUNT ISSUE' 
IN 1858. 



NOTE.— On the opposite page is the " scare 
head" of a double-leaded article which the 
"Illinois State Register" kept standing in 
its columns for some time previous to the 
election of 1858. The "State Register" was 
the organ of Senator Douglas at the State 
Capital. The article illustrates the preemi- 
nence of "negro equality" as an issue in the 
campaign of 1858, from the Democratic point 
of Yiew. J. McC. D. 



PEOPLE OF SANGAMON! 

REMEMBER 
A VOTE FOR COOK AND BROWN 

IS A VOTE FOR 

LINCOLN AND NEGRO 
EQUALITY! 

VOTE FOR 

BARRET and SHORT 

AND SUSTAIN 

DOUGLAS 

AND 

POPULAR RIGHTS.